CHAPTER 83: CHAPTER 76: AND THE CURTAIN RISES - II

Delhi, Constituent Assembly Hall, January 5th, 1949

After Arjun took his seat, Savarkar stood up, "I have one more question regarding the Article X."

"The penalties in this Article, the broad definitions of ’sedition’, while framed as necessary for stability, we must ask, sedition against what exactly?" Savarkar’s voice carried careful but unmistakable challenge.

"If someone advocates for teaching Sanskrit in schools, for protecting cow sanctuaries, for preserving ancient temple traditions that secular modernizers find inconvenient, will this be labeled ’communal’ and thus seditious?

If regional leaders insist that local governance should reflect local Hindu traditions, will this be seen as ’divisive’?"

His voice grew warning but remained within bounds, "The British taught us to be ashamed of our heritage, to see our traditions as backward, our festivals as primitive, our scriptures as mythology.

Are we now to complete their work by creating laws that effectively silence anyone who dares to say that Hindu civilization has intrinsic value worth preserving?"

"Justice’s sword must indeed be keen, but it must also be dharmic. It must protect not just political order, but the cultural soul that gives that order meaning."

At this, Lal Bahadur Shastri countered Savarkar, "Savarkar-ji, all the penalties that are mentioned in the Article serves to punish those who causes instability to the national unity, be that sedition or other charges.

I don’t know how someone who advocates for teaching Sanskrit in schools, for protecting cow sanctuaries, and other instances that you mentioned, have anything to do with these penalties.

While I can understand the need to be more specific, I urge all my fellow ministers to not overcomplicate the mentioned policies, with their own interpretations."

Sardar Patel smiled a bit at this. Not only it indirectly means that whatever Savarkar said, will not be judged under these penalties, it also didn’t outright deny the vague nature of these laws.

Savarkar, having received the answer, was satisfied and sat down.

But just when it seems there would be no more questions, Indira Gandhi, who hadn’t spoken until now, stood up.

The effect was electric. All conversations ceased as every eye turned toward Nehru’s daughter rising with quiet dignity from her place among the Bharatiya Jana Dal members.

Her very presence commanded attention, after all, she was the daughter of late Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, one of the leaders who led the independence struggle of India.

Arjun eyes slightly narrowed as he looked at her. Even the BJD members like Savarkar glanced at her, after all, he still had reservations about her joining the party.

"Mr. President," Indira began, her voice clear and measured, "I have remained silent during these debates, but find myself compelled to speak on matters that strike at our constitutional promise’s heart."

The hall fell silent with the attention.

"We have spoken eloquently of unity, strength, cultural preservation," she continued, her gaze settling on the government benches, "But what of justice? What of the promise this Constitution makes to every citizen, regardless of birth circumstances?"

She paused, letting her words resonate, "I speak specifically of our reservation provisions. While supporting upliftment of the disadvantaged, I must ask whether we create true equality or merely institutionalize new discrimination forms."

Surprised murmurs rippled through the hall. This was unexpected, a direct challenge to one of the Constitution’s progressive elements from within opposition ranks.

Even Arjun could help but snigger slightly at the irony of all this. ’Tsk, tsk, a Gandhi advocating against reservations, what has become of this world.’

"The Constitution promises equality before law," Indira’s voice gained strength, "Yet under our reservation system, two citizens of identical economic circumstances may face vastly different opportunities based solely on caste classification.

How do we reconcile this fundamental contradiction?"

She gestured toward the assembly, "Consider a poor farmer’s son, born into ’general category.’ He may be denied university admission while a place goes to someone from a ’reserved’ category who may be equally situated economically.

Both are Bharat citizens, both have struggled, both deserve opportunity, yet our Constitution proposes treating them unequally."

The hall erupted in surprised chatter. This was not scripted opposition, this was genuine constitutional challenge.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar slowly rose, his weathered face bearing decades of fighting social injustice. His voice carried immediate authority.

"Miss Gandhi raises concerns deserving respectful consideration," he began firmly, "However, I fear she fundamentally misunderstands the injustice these provisions address."

He turned toward Indira directly, "When we speak of caste discrimination, we speak not of economic disadvantage, affecting many citizens regardless of birth, but of systematic social death lasting millennia."

His voice carried passionate experience, "The untouchable was denied not just wealth, but humanity itself. Barred from temples where other poor men worshipped freely. Excluded from schools where other children learned. They could not draw water from community wells.

Their very touch was considered polluting, their shadows defiling to the orthodox society."

Ambedkar’s voice swelled with moral authority, "The poor farmer’s son, however impoverished, possessed what the untouchable never had, social dignity. He could enter temples, his children could sit beside upper-caste children, his touch didn’t contaminate. He was poor, perhaps desperately, but recognized as human."

The hall grew completely still, absorbed in his words.

He fixed his gaze on Indira, "These bare 15% reservations are temporary in nature. It’s specifically mentioned that they’re applicable only for 10 years, acknowledging simple truth, that formal equality alone cannot undo such profound historical wounds.

To treat economic poverty and social exclusion as equivalent ignores caste-based oppression’s unique nature."

Indira’s Counter and Dangerous Territory Indira stood again, composure unshaken, "Dr. Ambedkar speaks with unquestionable authority," she acknowledged respectfully.

With the matter of reservation done, she moved to her next question. "Mr. President, my another concern is the unprecedented power concentration this Constitution creates in Delhi’s hands."

The atmosphere shifted palpably. Sardar Patel’s expression visibly hardened.

"Although honourable Prime Minister has already justified the clause, I still think that states deserve more autonomy."

Patel rose, attracting Indira’s attention. His voice carried authority of someone who had personally reshaped a nation’s geography.

"Miss Gandhi speaks of diversity and autonomy," he began, "But perhaps she’s forgotten recent history’s harsh lessons, written in blood across this subcontinent."

His voice grew commanding, "When regions governed themselves ’autonomously’, we witnessed partition’s horrors. When local authorities managed affairs, we saw communal massacres costing thousands of lives like in Direct Action Day.

When princely states maintained ’independence’, we saw chaos reducing Indian commerce to medieval confusion."

Patel’s voice took warning undertones, "Miss Gandhi asks whether single authority can serve diversity. I ask this, can 565 different authorities serve Indian survival?

We conducted this diversity experiment, it led to foreign domination, communal slaughter, nearly costing our independence."

The hall erupted in supportive applause, but Patel continued, "The powers this Constitution grants aren’t arbitrary, they are survival minimum. India’s cultures may be diverse, but they’re also fragile.

Without strong protection, unified defense, coordinated development, they become prey to dividing, destroying forces. Strong Union Government doesn’t threaten diversity, it ensures diversity survives in security rather than perishing in chaos."

Complete silence fell. This was approaching dangerous opposition limits.

"We assume benevolent leadership will always occupy Delhi," she continued steadily, "But power corrupts. When we concentrate such authority, control over states, languages, economic policy, law and order, we create systems where future leaders could impose tyranny no region could resist."

Her voice carried prophetic warning, "Today’s leaders may be wise and just. But tomorrow’s? The very unity we preserve through centralization could become oppression’s instrument. If that center fails morally or falls into wrong hands, all India falls with it."

At this point, Arjun stood up, "Miss Gandhi’s question is valid. But I ensure you, that as long as I hold office, there shall be no injustice in India. Power corrupts those who possess weak will and commitment.

As for the future, yes, centralization could potentially harm India if it falls into wrong hands, but in order to prevent it from happening, constitution already has strict penal laws in place. It shall ensure that no criminal or anti-India leader could hold this position of power.

Not to mention, aside from these laws, it will be the citizens who’ll ultimately choose their leader. So, even if some incompetent political figure managed to bypass the penalties, he/she will also be judged by the citizens themselves.

So, Miss Gandhi can rest assured. Future of Bharat won’t fall into wrong hands, and I will make sure of it, as long as I live."

At this, Indira nodded as she kept staring at Arjun, "Then, I’ll take Prime Minister for his words."

For some reason, his last statement felt like a subtle threat directed at her.

Prasad, seeing that there were no more questions, decided to end the meeting for today.

"Honorable Members, in view of the hour and with considerable deliberation achieved today, I propose that we now adjourn the sitting. The Assembly shall again later to discuss any more objections from the members of the assembly that might come up in the days ahead.

Thank you for your valuable contributions. The session stands adjourned."

[A/N: So I forgot to tell that, I might take a break in Oct-Dec to stockpile some more Chapters, as I’m not really writing much these days due to variety of reasons, and current stockpile will soon run out.

And no, I won’t be dropping it]